Theories of international relations Essay Example

Theories of international relations Essay A structural query in the social sciences and associated areas as we know it today has deep roots in the history of Western thought. To find out the fundamental, constitutive, structures into which the sensory data of human observation and experience fall: this was a fundamental objective of the ancient Greeks, to go back no far in time (S. Sambursky, 1956). The Greek root of word idea refers to pattern, relationship, or constitution. When we speak of Platos doctrine of Ideas, we might better speak of his principle of Forms, for this is specifically what they were. Granted that these were ideal, even heavenly units in Platos philosophy, it relics true, as Cornford has stressed, that Plato was also a cosmologist, keenly interested in the nature of the actual, experiential world, social as well as physical.   In Platos cosmology there is a thoughtful sense of reality as comprised by not discrete data but shapes and forms mathematical in character (F. M. Cornford, 1952). Nor where Platos student and absconder Aristotle has any less interested in structures. As all interpreters of Aristotle have stressed, it is the living being, and with it growth, that dominates Aristotles mind as the basic model of structure. Organismic structure is, indeed, one of the oldest and most determined models to be found in Western philosophy and science. From Aristotles day to our own, with barely any lapses, the philosophy of an organism has been a significant one: sometimes with stress on the more static aspects, as in anatomy, but other times on the dynamic elements which are found to be constitutive, as in physiological processes, with growth. We will write a custom essay sample on Theories of international relations specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Theories of international relations specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Theories of international relations specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer Structuralism can be inert in character, or it can be hereditary and dynamic. Contending purely organism model of structure have been as a minimum two others: the mathematical and the mechanical. Most likely the first is at least as old as the organismic. The earliest, pre-Socratic Pythagorean School of philosophy sought to reveal that reality is mathematical—that is, formed by irreducible geometrical patterns. As, the Pythagorean philosophy exercised great influence upon Plato, and much of his own cosmology contains efforts to refine the Pythagorean view of the geometric structures which form the real. The notion that reality is eventually mathematical in character is of course a very powerful one at the present time. A basic notion is interest in the relationships, the connections, within which we discover primitive elements of matter and energy. The perfunctory conception of structure, though also very old, enjoyed a renascence in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the consequence in substantial degree of the influence on all thought of such physical philosophers as Kepler, Galileo, and Newton. It was nearly expected, given the great repute of these and other minds engaged in the search for laws, systems, and structures in the physical world, that the type of systems and structures they set forth in astronomy, physics, and mechanics must have excited the interests of those concerned mainly with man and society. To see society as a great machine with prototypes of equilibrium, action and reaction, and association of parts to the whole was alluring indeed, as so numerous of the ventures in social physics or social mechanics in the eighteenth century make evident. As with biology and the replica of the organism, mechanics and its model of the machine offered both statics and dynamics. Structuralism in sociology and associated disciplines has a long history insofar as its fundamental grounds are concerned. As Raymond Williams has written: We need to know this history if we are to understand the important and difficult development of structural and later structuralist as defining terms in the human sciences.( Raymond Williams, 1956). There are numerous major, and diverse, outsets of structure to be found in the social sciences of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, but at the extraction of all of them lie in one relation or other the biological, mathematical, and mechanical models of reality which have wield strong effect upon so many areas of knowledge over the past numerous millennia in the West. Challenges of Structuralism Through the decline of student movements by the early seventies, the slipping and incorporation and commercialization of broader counter-cultural propensities, the appearance of an international economic crisis, and the rise of Thatcherism and Reaganism, the cultural theories and the politics of the critical theory that inclined the New Left were called deeply into question. For several especially in Britain and France, Althussers theory of cultural apparatuses, joint with semiotic theories of discourse, and his overall project of a scientific, structuralist Marxism, appeared the apparent alternative to the failures of humanist Marxism, especially the Hegelian Marxism of the Frankfurt tradition. More usually, a rediscovery of the political economic practicalities of Marxism was called for in opposition to the unrealistic and romantic humanism of critical theory. The challenge of structuralism (and its commencement of social reproduction and related semiotic theories of discourse) pro ved critical for the revision and rethinking of the cultural theory of critical theory in the seventies. Of decisive significance here was a reassessment of the tasks of critical theory as a form of empirical research, as well as a rethinking of the nature of the association between culture, the state and social movements. The job of surveying the response of critical theory to structuralism and structuralist semiotics is intricate by the difficulties of differentiating the composite of tendencies symbolized by structuralism and post structuralism, as well as the arbitrariness of separating off cultural analysis from other concerns of critical theory. There is a certain difficulty in separating out the reaction of critical theory to structuralism as opposed posting structuralism; given that they share numerous assumptions and that their reception took place more or less concurrently for many of those with access to the original French texts. The main justification for such a separation, beyond the significant theoretical shifts entailed, is that the focus of structuralism theories of society is the imitation of culture, whereas the focus of poststructuralist theories is in part the impracticality, or as a minimum difficulty, of any positive, representational theory of culture in the former sense. Gidde ns provide a practical characterization of these underlying continuities. Poststructuralist authors, such as Derrida and Foucault, were reacting against aspects of structuralism thought and yet were obliged to many of its varied assumptions and arguments such as the work of de Saussure, Là ©vi-Strauss, Althusser, Lacan, and early Barthes). Though handled distinctively in structuralism and post-structuralist writing, a number of shared themes can be identified: †¦the thesis that linguistics, or more accurately, certain aspects of particular versions of linguistics, are of key importance to philosophy and social theory as a whole; an emphasis on the relational nature of totalities, connected with the thesis of the arbitrary character of the sign, together with a stress upon the primacy of signifiers over what is signified; the decentring of the subject; a peculiar concern with the nature of writing, and therefore with textual materials; and an interest in the character of a temporality as somehow constitutively involved with the nature of objects and events. There is not a single one of these themes which does not bear upon issues of importance to social theory today. Equally, however, there is not one in respect of which the views of any of the writers listed above could be said to be acceptable. (Giddens, 1987:196) The precise boundaries of the theory of culture are also notoriously difficult to define. Some focus on More narrowly an artistic notion of culture, others slip into a more generic and inclusive one. As Nelson and Grossberg note in their recent collection: †¦cultural theory is now as likely to study political categories (such as democracy), forms of political practice (such as alliances), and structures of domination (including otherness) and experience (such as subjectification) as it is to study art, history, philosophy, science, ethics, communicative codes or technology. Cultural theory is involved with reexamining the concepts of class, social identity, class struggles, and revolution; it is committed to studying questions of pleasure, space, and time; it aims to understand the fabric of social experience and everyday life, even the foundations of the production and organization of power itself. Consequently, it is all but impossible to define the terrain of cultural theory by pointing to a finite set of object-domains or to the search for a limited set of interpretive tools. (1988:6) Cultural phenomena of Structuralism Structuralism contains and combines numerous elements of a classical epistemological dichotomy between quintessence and appearance in terms of the continuum between depth and surface. Là ©vi-Strauss, who were mainly instrumental in exercising this geological metaphor, liken the configuration of cultural phenomena to their layering as in strata, and the considerate of such phenomena in terms of the excavation of these stratums and an exposure of their patterns of interrelation. Elements of a culture, are the surface manifestations or demonstrations of underlying patterns at a deeper level equally within time, the ‘synchronic’, and through time, the ‘diachronic’. What de Saussure has provided, and what stands as perhaps the most momentous and binding element of all structuralism, is that the fundamental pattern or structure of any cultural phenomenon is to be understood in terms of a linguistic allegory. The lexical terms or items of vocabulary within such a language are offered by the symbols that subsist within social life, that is, the representations that attach to or arise from the substantial state of things or materiality itself. The grammatical rules of this metaphoric language are offered by the act, the continuous and habitual act, of significance. So the diversities of ways that we make sense in different cultures variously articulates and therefore gives rise to the diverse ‘languages’ that our cultural symbols comprise. The involvedness of this system of meaning is compounded by the fundamentally arbitrary relation between any particular object and state of affairs and the symbolic (linguistic) device that is engaged to indicate its being. Thing likeness, then, as objective and recognizable within any culture, derives not from any association between names and named but from a precisely poised structuring of otherness in our restricted network of ideas. Thin gs are not so much what they are but appear from a knowledge of what they are not, indeed a system of oppositions; the principle at the core of any binary code. Now the tenderness of this structuring of otherness remains secure, certainly, it appears as vigorous through the very practice of sociality, through the perseverance and reproduction of that tenancy relation at each and every turn within a culture. Meaning, then, within a particular culture, emerges from convention overcoming the random relation between the signifier and the signified. Convention replicates culture, and culture is conditional upon reproduction within structuralism. Bourdieu is devoted to the development of a critical yet indebted theory of culture and as such his ideas provide a significant contribution to our understanding of both power and power within our society. He began from an analysis of the education system and the part that its institutions play in the formation and diffusion of what counts as legal knowledge and forms of communication: †¦the cultural field is transformed by successive restructurations rather than by radical revolutions, with certain themes being brought to the fore while others are set to one side without being completely eliminated, so that continuity of communication between intellectual generations remains possible. In all cases, however, the patterns informing the thought of a given period can be fully understood only by reference to the school system, which is alone capable of establishing them and developing them, through practice, as the habits of thought common to a whole generation. (P. Bourdieu, 1971, p. 190) It is here that he divulges elements of a Durkheimian epistemology through his interest in the supporting character of cultural representations, the production and continuation of a social consensus that is a concept parallel in significance to the idea of a Collective consciousness’, and through the supposition of the social origins and perseverance of knowledge classifications. He is, though, critical of what he sees as Durkheim’s positivism in that it depends upon a stasis, and also that Durkheim believes the functions of the education system to be expected (J. Kennett, 1973). A major contribution of Bourdieu’s thought has been his improvement of a series of influential metaphors to eloquent the subtle relation of power and dominion at work in the social world and through the stratification of culture. Most notable is that which he draws from political economy when he speaks of cultural capital: ‘†¦there is, diffused within a social space a cultural capital, transmitted by inheritance and invested in order to be cultivated.’ (P. Bourdieu, 1971, p. 192) Stratified socialization practices and the system of education function to distinguish positively supportive of those members of society who, by virtue of their location within the class system, are the ‘natural’ inheritors of cultural capital. This is no crude conspiracy theory of a cognizant manipulation, somewhat what is being explored here is the prospect of a cultural process that is self-sustaining and self-perpetuating. This process is observed as carrying with it a framework of anticipation and tolerance of stratification and privilege. In this way Bourdieu moves from the ideological function of culture into a wakefulness of the weird efficacy of culture in that it is seen as structuring the system of social relations by its execution. Therefore, as Bourdieu makes clear, even within a democratic society this demonstration of disguised machinery continues to reinstate the inequalities of a social order which is pre-democratic in character and anti-democratic in essence. Structuralism in modern society The culturalist custom shares with the Marxist at least two major theoretical suppositions: first, the investigative postulate of a necessary, and quite elemental, disagreement between cultural value on the one hand, and the developmental logic of utilitarian capitalist civilization on the other; and secondly, the regulatory imperative to locate some social institution, or social grouping, adequately powerful as to protract the former against the latter. Culturalist hopes have been variously invested in the state, the church, the mythical intelligentsia and the labor movement; Marxist objectives in theory much more consistently in the working class, but in practice also in the state, as for communist Marxism, and in the intelligentsia (and very often more particularly the literary intelligentsia) for Western Marxism. Structuralism accepts neither analytical postulate nor regulatory imperative. For the former, it substitutes a dichotomy between manifestation and essence, in which esse nce is revealed only in structure; for the latter, a scientistic epistemology which characteristically denies both the need for dictatorial practice and the prospect of meaningful group action. There are numerous diverse versions of structuralism, of course, both in wide-ranging and as applied to literature and culture in particular. But, for our purposes, and very broadly, structuralism might well be distinct as an approach to the study of human culture, centered on the search for restraining patterns, or structures, which claims that individual phenomena have connotations only by virtue of their relation to other phenomenon as elements within a systematic structure. More particularly, certain kinds of structuralism those denoted very often by the terms semiology and semiotics can be recognized with the much more particular claim that the methods of structural linguistics can be effectively generalized so as to apply to all features of human culture. Structuralism secured entry into British academic life initially during the late sixties and seventies. But in France and structuralism has been a devastating Francophone affair it has a much longer history. The basic continuity between structuralism and post-structuralism is, nevertheless, not so much logical as sociological. Where Marxism desired to mobilize the working class, and culturalism at its most thriving at any rate, the intelligentsia, against the logics of capitalist industrialization, both structuralism and post-structuralism donate to a very different, and much more modest, intellect of the intellectual’s proper political function. In an observation truly directed at Sartre, but which could just as easily be intended toward Leavis, Foucault writes thus: For a long period, the†¦intellectual spoke and was acknowledged the right of speaking in the capacity of master of truth and justice†¦ To be an intellectual meant something like being the consciousness/conscience of us all some years have passed since the intellectual was called upon to play this role. A new mode of the â€Å"connection between theory and practice† has been established. Intellectuals have got used to working, not in the modality of the â€Å"universal†, the â€Å"exemplary†, the â€Å"just-and-true-for-all†, but within specific sectors, at the precise points where their own conditions of life or work situate them†¦ This is what I would call the â€Å"specific† intellectual as opposed to the â€Å"universal† intellectual (Foucault, 1978). Anti-historicism is a much more characteristic defining feature of structuralism. Both Marxism and culturalism translate their aversion to utilitarian capitalist civilization into historicity persistence that this type of civilization is only one amongst many, so as to be capable thereby to raise either the past or an ideal future against the present. By contrast, structuralism characteristically inhabits a never-ending theoretical present. The only significant exception to this observation is Durkheim, whose enduring evolutionist we have already noted. But so structuralism is his commencement both of primitive â€Å"mechanical solidarity† and of compound â€Å"organic solidarity,† that Durkheim cannot in fact account for the shift from the one to the other, accept by a badly masked resort to the demographic fact of population growth, which necessitates, on his own definition, a theoretically illicit appeal to the non-social, in this case, the biological (Durkheim, 1964 ). So structuralism is Durkheim’s basic preoccupation that this account of the dynamics of modernization becomes, effectively, theoretically incoherent, an allegation that could be leveled at neither Marx nor Weber, Eliot nor Leavis. And after Durkheim, even this residual evolutionism disappears from structuralism. Conclusion Structuralism’s anti-historicism directs it to take as given whatever present it might choose to study, in a fashion quite alien both to culturalism and to non-Althusserian Marxism. This positively makes possibly a non-adversarial posture in comparison with contemporary civilization; it does not, however, require it. A stress on structures as deeper levels of realism, inundated beneath, but nonetheless shaping, the realm of the empirically obvious, can very easily permit for a politics of de mystification, in which the structuralism analyst is understood as piercing through to some furtively hidden truth. For so long as this hidden reality is seen as somehow confusing the truth claims of the more apparent realities, then for so long can such a stance remain attuned with an adversarial intellectual politics. Even then all that eventuates is noticeably enfeebled, and fundamentally academic, versions of intellectual extremism, in which the world is not so much changed, as conside red differently. And again, while structuralism is certainly attuned with such radicalism, it does not need it. Hence the rather peculiar way in which the major French structuralism thinkers have proved capable to shift their political opinions, usually from left to right, without any corresponding amendment to their particular theoretical positions. For structuralism, as neither for culturalism nor for Marxism, the nexus between politics and theory appears irreversibly contingent. This permutation of positivism and what we might well term â€Å"synchronism† with an obligation to the demystification of experiential reality propels the whole structuralism enterprise in a fundamentally theoretic direction. A science of the stasis, marked from birth by an inveterate anti-empiricism, becomes almost inevitably preoccupied with highly abstract theoretical, or formal, models. Hence the near ubiquity of the binary resistance as a typical structuralism trope. Theoretical anti-humanism arises from fundamentally the same source: if neither change nor process nor even the finicky empirical instances are matters of real concern, then the intentions or actions of human subjects, whether individual or collective, can simply be disposed of as extraneous to the structural properties of systems. In this way, structuralism infamously â€Å"decentres† the subject.

Review on Red Dragon essays

Review on Red Dragon essays In the movie Red Dragon, Hannibal Lecter is once again playing the role of a serial killer villain trying to help the F.B.I solve murder investigations. Except, in the opening of this movie it shows Lecter living a normal civilian life watching a musical. I thought the beginning scene when Lecter focuses on one of the musicians and then later eats him, was brilliant. I dont think anyone expected that to be the opening of the movie. I expected him breaking of prison in this movie, but I never expected to see him living a normal life. I was also surprised when Will Graham was stabbed and Lecter was shot. I think the movie would have been more interesting if they showed Lecter getting away and living more of the civilian life. I was surprised that he was jailed so quickly. I thought Red Dragon was very similar to Silence of the Lambs the way the storyline focused on Lecter in prison with him helping the F.B.I, but also helping serial killer Francis Dolarhyde. Francis Dolarhyde, otherwise known as the Tooth Fairy in the movie was the serial killer that the F.B.I was trying to catch with Lecters help. I was expecting much more gory killing scenes in this movie. I was surprised that there were only a few of them. I personally thought that part of it was better than Silence of the Lambs because there wasnt as many killing scenes. The end of the movie was the best part when Will Graham and investigators think the Tooth Fairy was burned to death. Will went back to his life in Florida with his family thinking they are safe now. When his son runs in the house to get something and doesnt come back Will begins to worry. At that moment I thought it was Lecter that was going after Will and his family. I didnt think it was the Tooth Fairy. When it was all figured out I thought there was definitely going to be a gory k...

Life and Work of Nancy Spero, Feminist Printmaker

Life and Work of Nancy Spero, Feminist Printmaker Nancy Spero (August 24, 1926–October 18, 2009) was a pioneering feminist artist, best known for her appropriation of images of myth and legend culled from various sources collaged with contemporary images of women. Her work is often presented in an unconventional manner, whether in the form of the codex or applied directly to the wall. This manipulation of form is designed to place her work, which frequently grapples with themes of feminism and violence, in the context of a more established art historical canon. Fast Facts: Nancy Spero Known For: Artist (painter, printmaker)Born: August 24, 1926 in Cleveland, OhioDied: October 18, 2009 in New York City, New YorkEducation: Art Institute of ChicagoSelected Works: War Series, Artaud Paintings, Take No PrisonersNotable Quote: I don’t want my work to be a reaction to what male art might be or what art with a capital A would be. I just want it to be art. Early Life Spero was born in 1926 in Cleveland, Ohio. Her family moved to Chicago when she was a toddler. After graduating from New Trier High School, she attended the Art Institute of Chicago, where she met her future husband, painter Leon Golub, who described his wife as being â€Å"elegantly subversive† in art school.  Spero graduated in 1949 and spent the following year in Paris. She and Golub married in 1951. While living and working in Italy from 1956 to 1957, Spero took note of the ancient Etruscan and Roman frescoes, which she would eventually incorporate into her own art. From 1959-1964, Spero and Golub lived in Paris with their three sons (the youngest, Paul, was born in Paris during this time). It was in Paris that she began exhibiting her work. She displayed her work in several shows at Galerie Breteau throughout the 1960s. Art: Style and Themes Nancy Spero’s work is easily recognizable, made by repeatedly hand-printing images in a non narrative sequence, often in codex form. The codex and the scroll are ancient ways of disseminating knowledge; thus, by utilizing the codex in her own work, Spero inserts herself into the larger context of history. The use of the knowledge-bearing codex to display image-based work begs the viewer to make sense of the â€Å"story.† Ultimately, however, Speros art is anti-historical, as the repeated images of women in distress (or in some cases women as protagonist) is meant to paint a picture of the unchanging nature of the female condition as either victim or heroine. An example of Speros Codices.   Aware Women Artists Speros interest in the scroll was also partially derived from her realization that the female figure could not escape the scrutiny of the male gaze. Thus, she began to make works that were so expansive that some pieces could only be seen in peripheral vision. This reasoning also extends to her fresco work, which places her figures in out of reach places on a wall- often very high or hidden by other architectural elements. Spero derived her metal plates, which she used to print the same image over and over again, from images she encountered in her day-to-day, including advertisements, history books, and magazines. She would eventually build up what an assistant called a â€Å"lexicon† of female images, which she would employ almost as stand-ins for words. The fundamental position of Spero’s work was to recast woman as the protagonist in history, as women â€Å"have been there† but â€Å"have been written out† of history. â€Å"What I try to do,† she said, is pick the ones that have a very powerful vitality† in order to force our culture to grow accustomed to seeing women in the role of power and heroism. Spero’s use of the female body, however, does not always seek to represent the female experience. Sometimes, it is â€Å"a symbol of victim of both men and women,† as the female body is often the site of violence. In her series on the Vietnam War, the image of woman is intended to represent the suffering of all people, not merely the ones she chooses to depict. Speros depiction of womankind is a portrait of the universal human condition. Politics As her work no doubt suggests, Spero herself was outspoken about politics, concerned with issues as diverse as the violence suffered in war and the unfair treatment of women in the art world. About her iconic War Series, which used the menacing shape of an American army helicopter as a symbol for the atrocities carried out in Vietnam, Spero said:. â€Å"When we came back from Paris and saw that [the U.S.] had gotten involved in Vietnam, I realized that the United States had lost its aura and its right to claim how pure we were. Bomb Shitting from her War Series.   Museo Reina Sofia   In addition to her anti-war work, Spero was a member of Art Workers Coalition, Women Artists in Revolution, and the Women’s Ad Hoc Committee. She was one of the founding members of A.I.R. (Artists-in-Residence) Gallery, a collaborative workspace of female artists in SoHo. She joked that she needed this all-female space as she was overwhelmed at home as the only woman among four men (her husband and three sons). Speros politics were not limited to her art making. She picketed the Vietnam War, as well as the Museum of Modern Art for its poor inclusion of female artists in its collection. Despite her active political participation, however, Spero said: I don’t want my work to be a reaction to what male art might be or what art with a capital A would be. I just want it to be art. Reception and Legacy Nancy Spero’s work was well-regarded in her lifetime. She received a solo show at the Museum of Contemporary Art Los Angeles in 1988 and at the Museum of Modern Art in 1992 and was featured at the Venice Biennale in 2007 with a maypole construction titled Take No Prisoners. Take No Prisoners at the Venice Biennale.   Getty Images Her husband Leon Golub died in 2004. They had been married for 53 years, often working side by side. By the end of her life, Spero was crippled by arthritis, forcing her to work with other artists to produce her prints. However, she welcomed the collaboration, as she liked the way the influence of another hand would change the feel of her prints. Spero died in 2009 at the age of 83, leaving behind a legacy that will continue to influence and inspire artists that come after her. Sources Bird, Jon et al.  Nancy Spero. Phaidon, 1996.Cotter, Holland. Nancy Spero, Artist Of Feminism, Is Dead At 83.  Nytimes.Com, 2018, https://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/20/arts/design/20spero.html. Politics Protest.  Art21, 2018, https://art21.org/read/nancy-spero-politics-and-protest/.  Searle, Adrian. Nancy Speros Death Means The Art World Loses Its Conscience.  The Guardian, 2018, https://www.theguardian.com/artanddesign/2009/oct/20/nancy-spero-artist-death.Sosa, Irene (1993).  Woman as Protagonist: The Art of Nancy Spero. [video] Available at: https://vimeo.com/240664739. (2012).

Influence of Laugier's Treatise on Ledoux Essay - 1

Influence of Laugier's Treatise on Ledoux - Essay Example The architecture surrounding this time frame, as well as the other concepts which were associated with this creates an overall understanding of the perspective and philosophies which reflect in Ledoux’s works. Background of Ledoux Ledoux was born in France in 1736 and died in 1806. He was one of the earliest architects that focused on Neoclassical architecture and which associated specific ideologies in society with the way in which his pieces were built. Ledoux was known to have a specific relationship to the French Revolution as well as to the desire to build Utopia within the region. The beliefs of Ledoux all related to the understanding that France needed to go through a revolution, specifically to be reminded of morality and perspectives of justice within the main system. Through this revolution, there would be the ability to build Utopian ideologies with the political and social structure, while changing the way in which most associated with the country of France. The de signs which Ledoux incorporated throughout his life were known to combine this with the combinations of styles from past architects, including classical and rococo styles that were incorporated into the revolutionary and radical thoughts of Ledoux (Kaufmann, 1952: p. 5). The beliefs of Ledoux were followed by other architects that influenced the ideas of revolution and the components of Ledoux’s work. One was Laugier, also who was associated with Neoclassicism and the French Enlightenment. The main philosophy of Laugier was based on bringing classical thought forms back. He found that the problem with most of the buildings which were a part of France at the time that were built without practicality or purpose. This included the column shapes and sizes as well as the extra decor and use of space that he found to be impractical. Laugier focused instead on the Greek form and shape as one which used more space with better practicality and which was associated with the understandi ng that the use of open space and symmetry of all buildings could create better alternatives for the buildings. These main theories were known to relate not only to classical thought and the use of practicality. The underlying philosophies of Laugier were based on using the symbolism of open space and symmetry as a way of inviting in the idea of Utopia. The symbolic meaning of the open space was related to opening a space for all and having a sense of equality that was within the environment (Braham, 1980: p 80). Architectural Changes of the 18th Century The influences which were associated with Laugier and the impact on Ledoux furthered with the changes which were in architecture and the associations which individuals had according to these alterations. During this time, France was exposed to the ideal of writing about philosophies and expectations with buildings. This was different from past architecture, specifically with a growing belief that different forms of buildings were su perior in quality and make than other forms of architecture. This ideology led to redefining innovations to make the architectural buildings artifacts that were associated with the social and political changes while influencing the public reflections that were associated with this. The idea of building an architectural culture that was

Should NCAA Division Football Players Get Paid Assignment

Should NCAA Division Football Players Get Paid - Assignment Example Putting aside for the moment that these athletes that participate in the more popular sports earn millions of dollars for the university and that other students reap these benefits as well, athletes are denied the same lack of restrictions to earn while they learn and as a result, should be somewhat compensated.    The sum of this stipend is arguable but a reasonable amount of, for instance, $100 per month does not seem out of line. â€Å"The problem is the athletes who help schools and conferences make that money do not see a dime of it. They may receive scholarships, but so do students who don’t help the school make money in any way. Players should get a stipend on top of their scholarships so that they see some of the money they helped the school make. If schools can profit off of student-athletes, why should those athletes not be paid for helping schools make money?† (Zivic, 2006). This paper will examine the various reasons why college football players should be paid. The NCAA alone makes more than $200 million each winter on the bowl games that follow the regular football season, an amount that doesn’t count the dividends the individual conferences enjoy. Now add up ticket and concession proceeds, corporate sponsorships and money gained from merchandise sales that without the presence of sports would not be funneled into a university annually. The athletes know that they generate literally many billions of dollars for their schools, yet are not allowed to earn even pocket change while at school, giving they're all for ‘ole State U. Athletes are allowed only the most meager of existence under NCAA regulations. Meanwhile, they witness other students with money enough at least for an occasional date and their coach earning a multi-million dollar salary but know that they are the ones that make the greatest sacrifices. â€Å"Athletes see what’s in it for everybody else.

Rise of Hitler :: World War II WWII WW2 Nazi Germany

Origins of the Nazi Party The Nazi Party was formed in January 1919 by Anton Drexler. Originally it was named the German Workers Party (DAP). Hitler joined in Autumn of 1919. He quickly rose to become the leader of the party. The party was transformed by Hitler and became a political party rather than the discussion group that it had been when he joined. The SA (Brownshirts) was formed to protect Hitler and other party leaders at meetings. It also disrupted the meetings of the Nazi’s political opponents. Appeal of the Nazi Party The military uniform of the SA appealed to many former soldiers. The aggressive berating of the Weimar leadership for signing the treaty of Versailles appealed to the disaffected and to former soldiers. Use of force and the parties strict discipline appealed to those who longed for a return to the old, militaristic rule that had preceded the First World War. Munich Putsch The party attempted to take control of the government by force. This failed as the Nazi’s did not enjoy widespread support at the time. The government was capable of controlling the armed forces and police. Hitler was imprisoned as a result of the Putsch (Uprising). In Prison Hitler thought about the methods he had used to try and take control. He realised that the Nazi’s would need to use legitimate, electoral means to assume power and that the appeal of his party would need to be widespread in order to achieve this. As a result he wrote â€Å"Meine Kampf†. This book outlines Hitler’s beliefs. Upon being released from prison Hitler started to reorganise the party. The SS (Blackshirts) were introduced as his own personal bodyguard: they later became a much larger organisation with many functions. People were employed within the party to work on strategy and the delivery of an aggressive advertising campaign (propaganda). This included Goebbels. Campaigning and the Rise to chancellorship The Nazi’s rise can be linked with the economic problems faced by Germany. They offered radical solutions to the economic crisis. Ignoring the treaty of Versailles and protecting the country from communism appealed to a wide range of people. Other policies included, but were not restricted to: Public works, anti-semiticism, reorganisation of the labour corps (workers), redistribution of wealth (welfare policies, how they help those in need). Economic policy was focussed on big business and manufacturing. The majority of the policies were populist (appealed to many people). The policies were advertised on the radio, at rallies, through leaflet distribution and through a show of strength. Rise of Hitler :: World War II WWII WW2 Nazi Germany Origins of the Nazi Party The Nazi Party was formed in January 1919 by Anton Drexler. Originally it was named the German Workers Party (DAP). Hitler joined in Autumn of 1919. He quickly rose to become the leader of the party. The party was transformed by Hitler and became a political party rather than the discussion group that it had been when he joined. The SA (Brownshirts) was formed to protect Hitler and other party leaders at meetings. It also disrupted the meetings of the Nazi’s political opponents. Appeal of the Nazi Party The military uniform of the SA appealed to many former soldiers. The aggressive berating of the Weimar leadership for signing the treaty of Versailles appealed to the disaffected and to former soldiers. Use of force and the parties strict discipline appealed to those who longed for a return to the old, militaristic rule that had preceded the First World War. Munich Putsch The party attempted to take control of the government by force. This failed as the Nazi’s did not enjoy widespread support at the time. The government was capable of controlling the armed forces and police. Hitler was imprisoned as a result of the Putsch (Uprising). In Prison Hitler thought about the methods he had used to try and take control. He realised that the Nazi’s would need to use legitimate, electoral means to assume power and that the appeal of his party would need to be widespread in order to achieve this. As a result he wrote â€Å"Meine Kampf†. This book outlines Hitler’s beliefs. Upon being released from prison Hitler started to reorganise the party. The SS (Blackshirts) were introduced as his own personal bodyguard: they later became a much larger organisation with many functions. People were employed within the party to work on strategy and the delivery of an aggressive advertising campaign (propaganda). This included Goebbels. Campaigning and the Rise to chancellorship The Nazi’s rise can be linked with the economic problems faced by Germany. They offered radical solutions to the economic crisis. Ignoring the treaty of Versailles and protecting the country from communism appealed to a wide range of people. Other policies included, but were not restricted to: Public works, anti-semiticism, reorganisation of the labour corps (workers), redistribution of wealth (welfare policies, how they help those in need). Economic policy was focussed on big business and manufacturing. The majority of the policies were populist (appealed to many people). The policies were advertised on the radio, at rallies, through leaflet distribution and through a show of strength.

Restrictions on Imports of Agricultural/Horticultural Products into the UK:

Agriculture, horticulture and fisheries sector constitute a vital part of the economy of the country of UK. Contributing â‚ ¤.6.6 billion in a year to the economy and employing more than half a million people, agricultural sector is predominant in the development of the UK economy.In the recent years economic, environmental and consumer pressures have a very strong influence in the development of these sectors of the economy. The key consumer drivers of agricultural and horticultural sectors have been identified as the rising prices and the growing demand for the ‘organic’ products.In spite of consumer resistances, Genetic-Modification technologies are also taking active part in the development of new varieties of products. However the sector remains one of the most regulated in the UK and also internationally.There have been numerous import restrictions including licenses and duties to control the movement of agricultural and horticultural products into the UK.This p aper brings out a short report on the prevailing regulations on the imports, reasons for such regulatory measures and the possible ways of overcoming such restrictions to boost up the import of agricultural and horticultural commodities.2.0 Restrictions on the Import of Agricultural and Horticultural Products into UK:According to the web page of Business Link, there are no restrictions for importing agricultural and horticultural products from any other member countries of the European Union, however subject to the payment of applicable VAT and Excise duties.For importing these products from other countries it is necessary to comply with the import licensing requirements and common customs tariff of the EU.2.1 Import Licenses:Import restrictions on the Agricultural and Horticultural products are exercised through the import licenses. The import licenses may be product-specific or trade-specific. Detailed and exhaustive provisions have been made for the standards to be maintained in respect of different products.Similar provisions have been made for imports to be supported by applicable certificates, licenses and other documentary requirements. In addition to the requirements of certificates and other documents, quantitative restrictions and anti dumping duties have been imposed in respect of the import of certain commodities.Department of Trade and Industry is the regulatory authority governing the imports.The plants which carry a high risk of serious pests or diseases require a ‘plant passport’ to move the products within the EU. Another requirement is the production of a phytosanitary certificate for the import of plant products from outside the EU.The imports of Agricultural products form nations other than the members of the EU countries are governed by the Common Agricultural Policy. The products covered under the policy require a ‘CAP import license; and other items need to be covered by a ‘tariff rate quota’ depending on the origin of the respective goods.In order to ensure that the wood used for packaging of the agricultural products are treated to the international standards and also to prevent the pest infestation and diseases the shipments of the products packaged in wood containers also need a phytosanitary certificate.3.0 Reasons for Restriction on Imports:Severe restriction have been imposed on the import of agricultural and horticultural products in to UK mainly with a view to ensuring the health and safety of the people of the country as these products are susceptible to contaminations and may cause the passing of multifarious diseases.Besides the heath and safety there are other reasons also which attribute to these stringent measures of import restrictions and control. They are:To maintain the quality of the products entering the country so that they meet with the domestic business standards prescribed for the agricultural and other products. To have a very tight control on the quantity o f the agricultural and horticultural products entering the country. These are in addition to the qualitative restrictions. This is mainly to protect the domestic agricultural sector as it contributes heavily to the economy of the country To ensure that the ultimate consumers get the commodities with adequate quality standards and sub standard produce is not dumped into the country To maintain the rules and regulations in conformity with those of the other countries of the world with whom UK has bilateral trade agreements or other understandings To impose an effective control on the packaging of the goods so that the goods are delivered to the ultimate consumers in a perfect shape and quality in such a way that the consumer gets the maximum for what he is paying